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Binaril iyong Pranses

Title- Executed (6211517393)noong Dec. 30, 2018 sa harap ng Rizal monument. “Subrang bait ni Rizal” sabi ng Pangulong Duterte “nagtiwala masyado sa puti, o – siya pa ang pinatay!”. “Itong si Aquino, ganyan din, parang si Ibarra na subra ang tiwala sa Western solutions, ayan, niluko siya nitong mga Sanoping gago!”. Tuloy-tuloy magsalita ang Presidente, nakakapagtaka. “tayo ngayon, hindi na. Halimbawa iyang ebi-ebidensiya na iyan, kailangan lang ng mga Westerner iyan dahil mas tanga sila kaysa sa atin! Tayo, naamoy natin kung may maling ginawa ang tao”. “Mga konyo tulad ni Aquino, hindi na”.

“O, bakit laging mali si Presidente Aquino?” sabi ni Duterte. “Sa Mamasapano, sa Sanopi, kahit saan!”. “E tayo, alam natin, ramdam natin”. “Di ba nalaman sa imbestigasyon tungkol sa van doon sa Mandaluyong noong isang taon, may kinalaman pala sa druga iyong mga nasa loob?” Hinaplos ni Duterte ang kanyang pisngi. “O iyan, di tama naman pala ang mga barangay tanod at mga PNP!” “Pasalamat tayo kay Secretary Aguirre na magaling mag-imbestiga.” (Palakpakan). “Kaya ngayon, bakit pa natin kailangang magpunta rito si Calamaris? Bias naman talaga iyan mag-imbestiga!”.

“Tayo kapag pumapatay, para sa kinabukasan ng mga anak natin. Kaya ang Westerner, huwag makialam! Si Lapu-Lapu ba humingi ng permiso sa UN at EU bago patayin si Magellan? Hindi!” “Putangina talaga.” Patingin-tingin ang Pangulo sa kanyang mga panauhin. “Kasi parang amoy iyan. Iyong mga Westerner, kailangan pa ng ebidensiya dahil wala silang pang-amoy. Kaya sila ang baho ng kilikili, tayo malayo pa lang amoy na natin”. “Tulad ni Calamaris na iyan, sa itsura pa lang niya, alam ko na mabaho puki ng Pransesa na iyan.” (Tawanan). Biglang naputol ang livestream..

At napalitan ng isang video ng pagpapasabog sa aircraft carrier Liaoning malapit sa may Palawan. Matagumpay sila Anselmo sa kanilang misyon. Patago nilang nakarga ang tatlong Exocet missile mula Samar hanggang sa may Palawan. Papalit-palit ng barko, minsan pasimple pa nga sa ilalim ng mga kalawangin na passenger ship sa may Mindanao, minsan naman mabilisan sa gabi, sa loob ng mga speedboat. Sa bandang huli, ikinarga at inihanda sa may bundok at inabangan ang Liaoning. Kilalang missile ang Exocet sa pagwasak ng mga barko, maliit, mabilis at malakas ang pagsabog.

Isa sa gitna, isa sa harap, isa sa likod. Akala ng mga Tsino ligtas sila dahil jammed nila ang GPS at hawak nila ng Ruso ang Glonass, pero sistemang Galileo ang ginamit ng missile para hanaping ang kanyang destinasyon, sa tulong ng maliliit na drone. Isa ring maliit na drone ang kumuha ng video sa pagwasak ng aircraft carrier. Iyong pag-hijack sa Facebook Live ng Malacanan, ibang istorya. Nagulat ang PCOO, akala kasi nila sagot sila ng China Telecom – pero may taga-Pasig na nakalusot. Biglang itinigil ang hijacking para hindi matrace. Bumalik sa ngangang Pangulo ang livestream.

Pawis na pawis tignan si Andanar – habang naghahanap ng paliwanag kay Presidenteng galit na galit. Si Mocha naman, ang laki ng mata sa pagkagulat sa nangyari – habang nakaupo lang sa may kalsada. Dumilim ang livestream ng PCOO. “Buti nga!” Tumawa si Ricardo. Nakasakay sila ni Anselmo sa speedboat papuntang Puerto Princesa. Doon sa malapit bumaba. Pasimpleng nag-bus papuntang port. May ticket na sila sa barkong papuntang Maynila. Napakagulo ng halos tapos nang naging taong 2018. Malayo pa sa kaligtasan ang bayan. Hindi pagdiriwang ang pupuntahan nila.

Sana naman huwag maging ganyan ang 2018. O ganito (link) – o kaya naman ganito (link).
Happy New Year mula sa Munich galing kay Irineo B. R. Salazar, ika-30 ng Disyembre 2017.

6 comments to Binaril iyong Pranses

  • http://www.dw.com/en/2018-will-be-dangerous-for-the-philippines/a-41958906

    …Military historian and national security expert Jose Antonio Custodio attributes the unrest in the Philippines to the government’s “scatterbrain” national security policy. “The situation was not this bad before the Duterte government. Now, you have a major Mindanao city destroyed and opportunists like the communists and China taking advantage of this very fluid situation,” Custodio told DW.

    The government’s single-minded focus on the war on drugs led to the miscalculation of other imminent security threats, the expert noted. “That’s why the military was blindsided by the Maute takeover of Marawi,” said Custodio. In May, the Maute group and Abu Sayyaf, a militant group notorious for kidnappings and beheadings in the southern Philippines, consolidated forces and overran the city of Marawi…

    …Political analyst Richard Heydarian agrees that the Marawi crisis directly tested the mettle of the presidency. “How could a ragtag IS-inspired group build tunnels and stockpile weapons and take over a city? The Marawi siege was a huge failure on the part of Duterte’s promise to bring peace to the long restive south.”

    When it comes to the president’s campaign against drugs, Heydarian sees the killing of 17-year-old Kian delos Santos by police as the catalyst that shifted public support for Duterte. “There was huge groundswell of protest and even supporters changed their tone. The killing of Delos Santos resulted in a drop in Duterte’s approval ratings,” Heydarian told DW.

    “Duterte has succeeded in making people believe that human rights are Western values and we have seen human rights and civil liberties pushed over the line.”..

    • https://www.rappler.com/thought-leaders/191559-party-over-keeping-democracy-alive-philippines-yearend-2017

      Democracy dies not in a single shot, but in increments that we take for granted as there’s enough already on our plate: home, work, sanity, ambitions.

      The question for the coming year – and the question that we need to ask ourselves as we end the year – is not whether Duterte would declare this or that, or do this or that. The way he has bulldozed into our lives by saying what he wants and doing what he pleases should not make us doubt his capacity – or will. Philippine presidents enjoy enormous powers granted both by the Constitution and a population infatuated by shortcuts and burned by failed post-Marcos regimes.

      • https://www.facebook.com/vicente.rafael1/posts/10159682275490328

        ..Barkadahan as the connective tissue of civil society and state practices that dates back to pre-colonial society but exists in intimate connection with colonial and post-colonial histories. It is that which insures and undercuts at one and the same time justice, love, and corruption, and makes for heroes and mass murderers all at the same time.

        For in the end, it is the norms of the barkada that counts, not some outside universal principle; or better yet, the barkada makes the local universal and so can say fuck you to human rights while seeking to protect the rights of its immediate barkada members (while never failing to sacrifice those who are further away from those deemed more important and thus more human than the rest)..

        • https://www.rappler.com/thought-leaders/150499-death-squads-incomplete-history

          ..Death squads as para-military formations clearly have colonial roots. As far back as the 16thc., the polos y servicios imposed by the Spaniards included forcing native peoples to fight in colonial militias to put down local rebellions and the occasional intra-imperialist war (vs. Chinese pirates in the late 16th century, the Dutch in the 17th century, the British in the 18th century, even the Americans in the late 19th century). By the 19th century, native militias became more organized into the ruthless Guardias Civiles, the very same ones that bedeviled ilustrados and common people alike, chasing Ibarra and killing Elias down the Pasig river in the climactic scene of Rizal’s Noli.

          When the Americans invaded the Philippines, the US troops were made up of volunteers recruited from their respective state militias, and given to using the brutal tactics of “injun warfare” adopted by their officers – all veterans of genocidal Indian Wars in the American West. One could argue that American soldiers were a collection of proto-death squads, given to pursuing near-exterminatory violence against Filipino fighters and civilians alike. As with the Spaniards, American troops also used native auxiliaries to put down the Revolution and the various local insurgencies it spawned…

          ..the armies of the First Philippine Republic were also made up of volunteers attached primarily to their local leaders rather than to a national leadership..

          ..During World War II, guerilla resistance spread, with lots of armed groups operating outside of and in opposition to Japanese state power. They dispensed their own brand of extrajudicial justice against collaborators and often warred against rival factions as much as they did with the Japanese…

          ..The transition from war-time occupation to independent republic witnessed the mushrooming of armed bands organized around local warlords, urban gangs, and assorted paramilitary units working for public officials and wealthy private families, who were usually one and the same. Such armed gangs were routinely deployed to terrorize peasant and proletarian dissidents and extract votes during elections. Independence and the expansion of the franchise coincided with the regular use of extra-legal violence and the rise of a culture of impunity to secure social hierarchy…

          ..When Marcos declared Martial Law, he sought to do away with such private armies by turning the entire AFP into his own big private army. But corruption and favoritism ended up dividing the military (hence, the emergence of RAM, whose failed coup attempt gave birth to EDSA). Meanwhile, the armed might of the CPP-NPA grew and by the end of Marcos’s regime, they directly controlled more than 20% of the countryside and had an extensive network of above-ground organizations in the cities. And the Moro rebels had also grown in power so as to outstrip the AFP’s abilities to put them down repeatedly..

          ..In the wake of EDSA, Cory Aquino at first sought to break up the para-military units that Marcos had set up while negotiating with the CPP-NPA. But a year after EDSA and a month after the Mendiola massacre of 1987, negotiations with the communists broke down. She then declared all-out war. In the face of a weakened military and far more formidable communist and Moro insurgencies, she and her chief of staff, Fidel Ramos, found themselves eventually authorizing and publicly supporting the rise of vigilante groups that quickly became anti-communist death squads. In the areas where the communists were strong, para-military volunteers flourished, drawn mostly from lumpen proletariats and former rebels…

          ..Under succeeding presidents, the police were tacitly empowered to carry out summary executions of suspected communist leaders and gangs, while local elites hired killers to deal with labor leaders, journalists and rival elites. Terror and gruesome displays of violence – severed heads, for example, displayed on roadways, along with mutilated corpses – was the signature of groups like Alsa Masa in places like Davao…

          ..Duterte, as is well known, made his reputation by negotiating with both vigilantes and communists, absorbing elements of both into his regime. If various reports are to be believed, he, or at least those around him, recruited former NPAs and other lumpen types to serve as para-military forces in dealing with a new enemy: drug lords and drug users. As mayor of Davao, his reputation as “the Punisher” emerged at the crossroads of democratic transition and counter-insurgency, when “People Power” was taken to mean that ordinary people would be empowered to act on behalf of the state and kill its designated enemies..

          • https://www.reuters.com/investigates/special-report/philippines-drugs-squad/

            Soon after President Rodrigo Duterte launched his war on drugs, a small group of police officers from his hometown Davao arrived in the Philippine capital. Calling themselves the “Davao Boys,” they formed the core of a lethal anti-drug unit. Reuters retraced their deadly path.

            QUEZON CITY, Philippines – The police who burst into Kathrina Polo’s house on a rainy night in August 2016, then shot her husband in the head and heart, spoke a language she recognized but didn’t understand: Visayan…

        • https://www.buzzfeed.com/albertsamaha/why-do-filipinos-love-duterte?utm_term=.hv3rre6Qey#.bpA99v5Ov3

          ..Several of my relatives in the Philippines told me that this mindset is more like a guiding principle — an ethos of taking all you can get away with. People might complain about squatter camps popping up near their neighborhood and politicians skimming off the top, but they have little faith that the rules of engagement will ever change — so what else can you do but play along?

          The way I began to understand it, these were not acts of deception, but of tacit understanding, an ongoing state of negotiation beneath the surface of Filipino society. I saw it most clearly every time we drove through chaotic streets crowded with buses and cars and motorcycles. Lanes were meaningless, every inch of space an opportunity for advancement. Drivers zigged and zagged, hustling, but when you cut somebody off, you warned them with a quick honk-honk and they acknowledged you with a honk-honk reply that seemed to recognize that it’s all part of the game. There was none of the shouting and steering-wheel slamming so common in America. There was no pretense of courtesy on these roads, no expectation that everybody else would follow the official rules.

          It is not so much a selfish mindset as a team-first mindset. People look out for themselves and take care of their own. More than anything else, the Philippines is a collection of family units jockeying for power and wealth at every level of the class hierarchy, from the impoverished strivers to the oligarchs. At the top, you see the same last names running for office now that your grandparents saw decades ago. The three top vote-getters of the 2016 presidential election each had politician fathers…

          ..much of Philippine politics seemed to exist within a vast gray area between right and wrong, and nobody’s heart was pure, and there were no saviors — only people navigating an entrenched system. While Duterte might be willing to kill in an effort to upend that system, he had still come up through the same old passages to power. “If I grew up here and became a politician, I’d probably be a little bit corrupt,” I said, in a tone that suggested I was kidding.

          But my mom must have sensed a thread of truth, because her face froze into a mask of shock and disgust. Before she could find the words, I preemptively laid out my defense. “I’d do all I could to help the poor, of course, and make the country better,” I said. “But I’d also make sure our family was comfortable and I was comfortable. I wouldn’t do that in America, but here it’s part of the game, right?”..

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