Pagmamata at Inggit

Tagalog dress, early 1800ssa tingin ko ang madalas na dahilan para sa maraming problema ng Pilipinas. Wala namang lipunang pantay-pantay, kahit sa Scandinavia may mababa at mataas na tao kahit hindi agad ito nakikita. Pero mukhang sa Pilipinas tatapakan ka talaga kapag mas mababa ang tingin sa iyo, at pahahamakin ka ng mga naiingit kung mayabang ang tingin sa iyo – kahit tangos lang ng ilong ang dahilan. Maski sa abroad meron nito, kaya hindi gaanong naghahalo ang mga grupong “edukado” (UP, Ateneo, La Salle atbp.) at “migrante”. Makikita ito kahit sa pagkontra sa paglibing ni Marcos – maraming nag-dedemonstrate sa US, may iilan sa Australia at UK, bihira sa Alemanya, halos wala sa mga tipikong bansang OFW tulad ng Espanya, Italya, Saudi, Singapore o Hong Kong. Masyadong simple para sa akin ang lumang klasipikasyon bilang masa o elite dahil wala namang aalis sa Pilipinas na talagang mayaman o oligarko, maliban para mag-aral ng iilang taon.

Mas maganda para sa akin ang paliwanag (link) ni Manolo Quezon tungkol sa “postwar middle class” na American-style ang edukasyon, kung paano ito sumuporta kay Marcos noong una, nabigo tapos sumuporta sa pag-alis ni Marcos, nabigo na naman sa mga oligarko na tumuloy sa kanilang pagpapayaman mula 1986, tapos mas marami pa sa kanilang umalis ng bansa mula noong 1990s, huling yugto nitong grupo ang EDSA Dos, pero hindi na nila malaman kung ideyalista pa sila o gusto na ring makinabang ng husto sa kikitain.

Binanggit din ni Manolo Quezon ang bagong middle class na mas simple ang pinanggalingan: “Together with the academic and professional elite that migrated in the 70s went Filipinos of modest means who have only begun to establish themselves as a new, entirely different, middle class. Their influence in politics is only beginning to be felt, not in Metro Manila, but in the provinces.” Sa madaling salita, mga pamilyang migrante at OFW na umasenso – baka nadagdag na rin dito ang mga nakapagtrabaho na sa BPO. Iba ang istorya ng mga pamilyang ito.

Halos hindi yata naghahalo ang mga mundo ng mga grupong ito. Madalas na umiiral ang pagmamata at inggit – hanggang sa pulitika. “Bobo”, “Dilaw”, “Elitista” atbp. pang mga pagtawag sa kabila.

Napapaisip din ako sa isang komentaryong ipinost ng isang matanda na sa blog ni Joe America (link): “We were practical, conventional, materialistic and happy… and proud to be so. We compromised. When martial law was imposed in ’73 we were in our early twenties. We were gainly employed, dreaming of a promotion, a bigger salary and more. We thought martial law was a good thing because it ended the disruptive street demonstrations, jailed suspected communists, improved obedience to traffic rules and the peace and order situation because there was a curfew.”

Ngayon, ano ang pinagkaiba ng luma at ng bagong middle class? Baka iisa lang – iyong isa papunta pa lamang, iyong isa pabalik na. Ang bansang Pilipino – di na nadala o natuto man lang.  Dahil heto ang karugtong ng kuwento: “When things started to go bad, we didn’t pay much attention because our priority was sustaining our personal upward trajectory. An arrest here, a disappearance there, Imelda’s foreign junkets and extravaganzas, Marcos’ cronies cornering of the banana,sugar and rice production and trading we simply ignored. We admired and applauded the people who were able to sidle into the corridors of power, and tried to get ‘connected’ to them.  After awhile the abuses mounted, the economy faltered. We became afraid, restless.  Then Ninoy Aquino was assassinated.  We woke up, as though from a stupor or a bad dream,depends where or what we were at when it happened.” Ngayong panahong ito, ano ang mangyayari? Ewan ko.

Irineo B. R. Salazar, München, 3. Disyembre 2016

 

 

 

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Studying its villains

Ravanamay have brought Germany much further than the Philippines studying its heroes, buried or not. Are those unworthy of emulation – “huwag tularan” – more important in teaching national lessons? The Philippine cult of heroes always was suspect to me. During martial law, it was suspected that some supposed leftists were mere agents provocateurs to get idealistic youth to show their colors. Working part-time at the Philippine Embassy in Bonn in February 1986, I saw how the new government telexed straight from the Wack-Wack golf course – while people were still at EDSA.

For every young idealistic Isagani or Basilio, there have often been enough jaded, cynical Simouns using them for their own agenda. This has cut through all ideological fronts in the Philippines. Culture of entitlement in fact makes this nothing special for many – it is very much unlike kings of old who led their men in battle, or captains who had the ethic of leaving their own ship last. Good people often get sacrificed in the Philippines – Andres Bonifacio and Heneral Luna, anyone? Or sidelined when no longer needed – think of Mabini, who unfortunately couldn’t walk his talk.

Many in the generation that experienced February 1986 are disillusioned by how the groups that then came into power, and afterwards, continued to mismanage the country. Were the “yellows” too far from the common people, was the left too ideological and power-mad, the right too corrupt and Macchiavellian? I don’t know. But principled leaders were few and usually too weak, I think. Germany also created a new constitution in 1949. It had less lofty-sounding ideals than the Philippine 1987 Constitution. But Germany’s leaders saw to it that its goals became reality on the ground.

Mistakes are there to be learned from. Airline pilots have said that the safe flying of today is due to lots of crashes that happened in the past – and how many lessons were learned by analyzing them. What is good about the present crisis in the Philippines with regards to the burial of Marcos is that the history of Martial Law is being reviewed – what happened, maybe not enough what led to it. The analysis of how post-1986 governments continued Marcos-era mistakes like wholesale labor export and allowing Metro Manila to grow uncontrolled – to learn, not to blame – hardly happened.

And it takes sustained effort to build a country. How often have Filipinos run after mere hope? Or mistaken leader’s vanity for “willpower”? The Filipino youth of today, the Millenials, seem to be more concerned about the future of the country than many had hoped. Now I hope they are less naïve than generations before them. I hope they do not let themselves be used by any group or person. It will be after all their future they are deciding on in times to come. How they will live when they are around 45-55, around 30 years from now. All I can do is wish them strength and perception.

Irineo B. R. Salazar, München, 20. November 2016

 

 

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Feeling at Home

(BL) OSSETIAN FARM, WITH WATCH-TOWERhas been a human need since we looked for caves to live in, I think. We all want to live as safely and securely as possible, be in an environment we are familiar with, with the people we can trust. Throughout history, people have conquered and migrated for reasons of their own (link). Built new homes, possibly displaced others from their homes or made others feel threatened for their home. Much politics is finally about home and about homeland. The worst off in these days are refugees who lose whatever home they once had – some never to come back to their old home, ever again.

Much of the idiosyncrasy of the ideas of Nassim Taleb (link) who wrote the book Anti-Fragile I think comes from the shock of losing his home in youth. The Lebanon of before, which was a mixture of Eastern Mediterranean and Oriental culture, with him belonging to the Eastern Mediterranean or Greek Orthodox part of it. “Modernity is too complex to understand” is one of his major ideas. There is some truth in this – and I think the “complexity” comes from the fact that things can suddenly appear over the horizon that come from somewhere very different from our known world.

Nassim Taleb’s “East-Western divan” (not his words, those of Goethe) was destroyed by political polarization between the Orient and the Occident. I wonder how he now feels in Trump’s America. Yolanda came over the horizon in 2013, and the mayor of Tacloban had not looked up what a storm surge was. Syria imploded, and millions of refugees suddenly stormed Europe last year. Cultural differences make for difficult adjustment everywhere – the many cultural mixes of today included. President Duterte has effectively disowned Filipino-Americans.

The winds and waves – and the storm surges – of history take us to strange places sometimes. Germany is one of the most stable places in today’s crazy world, possibly because it was cautious in adopting all the new things that came over the world in the past 25 or so years. For all inevitable modernization, predictability and tradition did remain, as well as a certain social justice and security.

And the Philippines? Editor and Author Joel Pablo Salud recently worried about what kind of country his daughter will live in (link). I wonder how many Filipinos even start to think about that.

Irineo B.  R. Salazar, München, 12. November 2016

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The Filipino dignity

Philippine Eagle in Davaothat Obama is insulting according to Duterte (link) is simply the latter’s sense of entitlement. Not the dignity of those killed and wrapped in cardboard on the street, not the dignity of Mayor Espinosa who was killed in jail (link) under strange circumstances after a long story of what looks like harassment and intimidation. Not the dignity of Senator Leila de Lima, who was subjected to public humiliation, and finally no sufficient evidence was found of any drug involvement – but before that the hearing on extrajudicial killings started by her was stopped without even hearing all potential witnesses.

It is the sense of entitlement many of the powerful in the Philippines have. Archimedes Trajano (link) did not live long after criticizing Imee Marcos. The newfound boldness in facing the USA is not because of real guts or backbone – it looks more like acting tough because of a feeling of having Chinese backing. Real valor is rare in Filipino leaders who tend to be turncoats and collaborators, going to where the advantage or the pork barrel is. The obsessive worship of heros in the Philippines, I think, is due to the fact that most Filipinos in power have rarely been heros at all. The Filipino is content with crumbs from them.

Marcos and his group got popular support by going against the oligarchy of then. A new oligarchy of cronies in the inner circle was created and some supporters got bread, some got crumbs and the rest got a sense of being on the side of power. A few members of the oligarchy were made examples of and had to leave – the Lopezes being the best-known – while the rest did not lose anything. The typical Filipino did not gain dignity. In fact slums grew during the Marcos period, the first malls were built, and labor export started – setting the country on a trajectory it never got off from until today, anything but dignified.

It takes just a look at James Deakin’s Facebook page to see the brash and pushy behavior of the newly affluent by the way they drive. It takes just a look at reports on the drug wars to see the extreme squalor in which the poor live. It is the Philippines of the Marcos era – a Philippines I personally experienced – only with its extremes magnified over decades. It is definitely not the Philippines of the 1920s or even 1950s, were there was it seems more dignity and decency in general.

The acceptance by so many Filipinos of just killing the poor they left in the dust out of pure luck is not a dignified or decent attitude to show. They insult themselves, more than anyone else can.

Irineo B. R. Salazar, München, 5. November 2016

 

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Much wishful thinking

Black Nazarene processionpervades Philippine politics: from De Quiros’ well-known “Aragorn” for Aquino or Tiglao’s recent prediction of A.D. and B.D. – After and Before Duterte in Philippine history (link). Oh how much do Filipinos wish for miracles, much like the legendary Bernardo Carpio of colonial times, the king tied up in the mountains only waiting to awake! I am already happy that DOST Project NOAH has helped reduce casualties now, with typhoon Lawin – four years of work have shown their fruits. And would be happier to see a Philippines with less poverty, less crowded jails, and cleaner rivers.

A frustrated country, arrested in its development by the unexpected arrival of a much more organized civilization which subdued it. Hoped for help from another – Aguinaldo’s letters to the “Mighty and Humane North American Nation” (link) are unforgotten – and got not only subdued but remade in America’s Image. Now there is President Duterte hoping for China to help the Philippines…

There are no miracles, no free lunches in real life. Paradise – around half a million people lived in the archipelago during Lapu-Lapu’s time – is lost. It takes hard work to build a nation and a state.

Most of the institutions of the present Philippine state are those built in Quezon’s time. With a few later additions. Metro Manila and the Regions – created in Marcos’s time – made sense, including regionalizing the administration of Ministries which became Departments again. The Sandiganbayan also came from that time, and was augmented by Cory’s Ombudsman later on.

Improved relief goods packaging systems at DSWD – introduced in 2015 – helped in the response to Typhoon Lawin just recently. A nation is the work of many generations and administrations. It is also a product of all its history – good and bad, intended and unintended. Just like the Filipino mix of racial and cultural influences is unique and would not exist if not for the years that came before. The country has been without foreign bases since 1991 – 25 years. New dependencies such as huge loans from China – just to leap forward quickly? For all eagerness – should one not be a bit careful?

Irineo B. R. Salazar, München, 24 October 2016

 

 

 

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A telling statement

President Rodrigo Duterte 080816was made by President Duterte recently: “if I reach six years, you’re all dead” with reference to his perceived enemies (link). Sounds like a zero-sum player, and one of the most extreme kind it could be. He mentions that he is not new to “these kinds of intrigue in office, starting with his more than two decades as Davao City mayor”. This attitude could indeed be typical for the no-holds barred South, where the Ampatuan massacre killed an entire “enemy” entourage pre-election years ago. The phrase “Don’t scare me, you people from Manila” also falls within that interview and is telling.

Warlords dominated provincial politics after the United States left in 1946. The book “An Anarchy of Families” by Prof. Alfred McCoy mentions a few. Aguinaldo also was a bit of a warlord, although he denied any involvement in the killing of Heneral Luna by his own praetorians, the Kawit Brigade, it is historically documented that Aguinaldo’s mother looked out of the window and said “nagalaw pa ba iyan” in Cabanatuan – “is he still moving” – after the Kawit Brigade overkilled the heroic General. Marcos’ dictatorship, now well-documented, could be called centralized warlordism.

Some civic society developed after 1986, but it remained on shaky ground. Impunity continued to reign, the further away from the control of the state the more. Rebel groups that turned to extortion and kidnapping controlled pockets of the country. Stories of local government officials having alleged criminals summarily executed abound in the last 30 years. All of this – the product of a tribal culture overlayed with a formally legal and democratic state. Other countries developed states and cultures out of tribal and warlord configurations over hundreds of years of history. The Philippines didn’t.

Formally and rationally – he IS a lawyer after all – President Duterte knows the mechanisms of the Philippine State. From the gut, instinctively, the warlord mentality seems to comes out way too often. Where his heart is, I do not dare speculate on. Only a minority of Filipinos, I think, truly appreciates what a modern state is all about. And how, if it never was part of the reality of so many? If it was, it was just about government offices and courts, speaking a language most did not get, often acting haughty and inflexible – Duterte simplified some things there, part of his mass appeal.

The elites of the country are mostly in shock, as they lived in a world of their own for too long, denying the festering troubles of a society grown ever more apart (link). The anger at the old system was evident during the pork barrel scandal, then during Mamasapano – even if it was misdirected against a President who was trying to fix a difficult system within its parameters. Now there is a President who apparently de facto rejects the defined formal parameters. Will the country manage to redefine its system, improve it long-term, or fall into total chaos? I wonder. Time will tell.

Irineo B. R. Salazar, München, 16. October 2016

 

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100 days later

Typhoon Ketsana accumulated rainfall in Philippinesis too early to give a judgment, even preliminary, of the new Philippine administration. Only an impression is possible, which of course will be one’s own point of view. Three areas matter the most:

  1. Foreign policy. Aside from all the theatrics, there is a definite shift. Joint patrols with the USA have been stopped, US forces seem to be leaving Mindanao. EDCA treaty is still effective. Negotiations for TPP with the USA as well as a free-trade agreement (FTA) with the EU continue. The President will visit China, and that country is opening its market for Philippine bananas and pineapples. Seems Russia may also be a market for Philippine bananas. China seems to have contributed to a drug rehab center in Fort Magsaysay. Trips to Indonesia and Vietnam.
  2. Law/order policy. Aside from the controversial war on drugs with its high casualty rate, there is the state of lawlessness declared after the Davao bomb blast. Checkpoints everywhere it seems, and of course Oplan Tokhang (knock and plead), drug lists created by barangays, national drug matrixes. And a suspended Senate hearing plus a Congress hearing on Bilibid drugs. Senator Pangilinan made a sensible proposal to reform the justice system to speed up delivery of justice. The proposal to revive the Philippine Constabulary seems to be dead for now.
  3. Economic policy. No substantial progress on ending endo = end of contract. A possibility would be to force employers to pay social security (alone!) even on short contracts, because endo is usually done to save on that. A similar policy on part-time, 10 hour a week jobs worked in Germany, reducing the incentive to misuse them. Strange flip-flops on online gambling – seems Araneta (Imee’s husband) bought Ongpin’s shares while they were down due to the ban which may be lifted. Crony alert? I wonder about mining and land reform – are the carpetbaggers there?

There is a robust discussion emerging in the country. Not necessarily opposed to the President, but with opinions and reasons for nearly every policy shading. Filipinos by nature can be a bit lethargic and many only start to think about things when they get a kick – the kick is there now, given by reality. Better late than never. Good luck to the country – it needs all of that right now.

Irineo B. R. Salazar, München, 9. October 2016

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The Colonial Syndrome

Itinerario legazpiwas mentioned by President Duterte just hours ago in Bacolod – I watched the end of his speech. It referred to some of his pet peeves, but still sounds more like his problem and that of many Filipinos. From skin whiteners so many Filipinos use (looking like too pale ghosts) in the Philippines, to the silly memes some Duterte supporters made showing “Hillary supporting Duterte”. The thin-skinned nature of Filipino pride when the foreign press reports on the country, or a foreign commenter says something not so nice, is the other aspect of the Filipino colonial syndrome.

The teenage nation

The immature aspect of that syndrome is that is takes the foreign, especially the “white” view of things, either as something to be followed or to be opposed. A lot of the anti-Western rhetoric of Duterte recently is similar to things one has heard both from Filipino nationalists and leftists for many decades. There is of course the new aspect of wanting to be allied with Russia and China, which is of course stark opposition to the formerly very pro-American course of the Philippines, somewhat like a teenager wearing exactly the clothes and saying things parents do not stand for.

“Wir sind die, vor denen unsere Eltern uns immer gewarnt haben” – was an activist slogan in Germany before: “we are those whom our parents warned us about”. Duterte’s provocations remind me of some of the provocations of that crowd from the 1960s to 1980s, which used leftist slogans. From the 1990s onward, Nazi and nationalistic symbols were used to provoke, by a new crowd. That Duterte’s Hitler provocation was taken seriously – the Philippine Ambassador was summoned on Friday – but not commented on by higher-ranking German officials at all is not surprising.

Colonialism and independence

A Filipino commented on Facebook that it is interesting that Duterte seems to take a “white man” – Hitler – as a role model, isn’t that very colonial mentality? It is indeed also very colonial to rely on the army and the police in controlling the archipelago – the Guardia Civil already did that, just like its American-era successor, the Philippine Constabulary, which Rafael Crame helped build up. It is also very colonial to lean on a new sponsor – very possibly China this time, much like Aguinaldo decided to gamble on the United States who did bring him to Manila from Hong Kong.

It would be independent foreign policy to strengthen regional alliances like Indonesia and Vietnam, which is one good thing being done already. Overcoming colonialism would also be helping the people in the slums achieve a better livelihood, instead of just conducting the usual drug raids at night (evidenced by videos widely available) and thereby causing many casualties among the poor. Allying with resurgent powers like Russia or rising powers like China may lead to more dependency than working with no longer colonial powers (the EU) or the overextended superpower USA.

Overcoming 400 years

In his Bacolod speech, President Duterte mentioned 400 years of colonialism. The Philippines indeed became a colony very early, a collection of chiefdoms that submitted to a colonial government in Manila, which is the inheritance of the Republic. The President’s powers are similar to those of a colonial governor, and every Philippine President so far has sought the allegiance of local politicians, much like Rajas sought the allegiance of datus in the past. In fact former allies of Mar Roxas have recently moved to PDP-Laban, much like datus flocking towards a new overlord.

And there are still a lot of hang-ups, especially in the relationship of Filipinos to “white people”, who are often alternately admired and hated. Or by some, liked when they come with money or lend money to the relatives of their Filipina wife for example, but secretly seen with disdain especially when they ask for repayment of debts. Or even openly threatened with a bolo or a gun. Strangely enough, there are many Filipinos who bully or deride those nice to them, and submit to those who bully them – foreigner or local. The datu culture in its peculiar, colonial deformation.

Then there is this strange oscillation between trying to ingratiate foreigners and then being rude to them. Something I have observed in many Filipino-foreign contexts, not just recent outbursts. This is of course also an offshoot of the deformed datu culture, where you are either master or servant, never just simply friend or ally. In these aspects, President Duterte truly reflects a lot of Filipino attitudes in a certain segment of the population. Acting just normal, not domineering or submissive, is that possible at all in the future? Time will tell. Filipinos will have to sort that out.

Irineo B. R. Salazar, München, 2 October 2016

 

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A Nation adrift

Masinloc,Zambalesjf1340 14is what I see when I look at the Philippines today. For sure the Filipino capacity to play it by ear is a strength in many situations, and might have been one of the things President Duterte was a master of when he ran his City of Davao, if one is to believe the stories from there. But at national level, things look very different. Especially in three key areas: foreign policy, trade policy and internal security. Lots of shifts just in three months, no real consistency to be seen YET. What makes it worse is that nobody else seems to really have any idea of where things should be going from now on.

It is good to question assumptions – many of the assumptions made by intellectual and political elites in the past decades were simplistic. But to just go in the opposite direction of what was blindly done before is not a real solution. It might be that the reasons for all of this are simple, and I shall venture some possible explanations from my point of view:

  • The Philippines was not a nation when it was formed by colonialism (link). Mindanao was only truly added in American times. Geography and linguistics play a major role in fragmentation.
  • The national elites took over a political and economic apparatus formed by colonialism. Both money and power were centralized (link). The provinces a source of votes and resources (link)
  • Most Filipino elites were like the usual turncoats one sees in Congress today, even when it came to foreign powers. They went for the best bet at the time: Spain, America, Japan.. (link)
  • Concepts of what the nation means have widely varied. One only needs to look at how political and thought leaders have explicitly and implicitly defined it (link). A thin foundation?
  • The people themselves have little continuity of being (link). Fads and fashions are often blindly followed. Ideas parroted without understanding, traditions forgotten, next opportunity..

Some of the manifestations of this syndrome can be seen in what has happened in recent history:

  • In 1991, American bases were made to leave. But there was little continuous effort to really build up external defence capability from then, or national policy.
  • The Philippines benefits from business process outsourcing, and from overseas foreign workers. Little own economic, technological and entepreneurial capability.
  • Growth came but was insufficiently managed – neither in terms of public transportation, roads or spreading the wealth. Growing inequality fostered drugs and crime.

There is an old adage which fits many situations: “do first what is necessary, then what is possible, and all of a sudden the impossible happens”. But to do that takes patience and perseverance.

The previous administration may have done too little of what was immediately necessary for the people in some aspects like traffic jams and public transportation. The present administration may be doing more than necessary in fighting crime, and less than necessary in other important aspects – we shall see. But the risk remains that Philippines will still yet remain – a nation adrift.

Irineo B. R. Salazar, München, 24. September 2016

 

 

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The Big Picture

Manila bay sunsetstill evades me after 1 1/2 years of observing the Philippines and writing about it. True, more and more is coming out. Good, bad and ugly. True, false and in between. Everybody believes what they want to believe. There is the recent testimony of alleged former assassin Matobato in the Senate. There is the House probe on drugs in Bilibid starting soon. There are Presidential drug matrixes. There are reports by media in varying degrees of comprehensiveness and reliability. Different perspectives. Different principles of what is right and wrong. Let us see what is happening:

  • over 3000 people have died in the Philippines since July 1st, according to most reports. Some killed by police in attempted arrest or buy-bust operations, some by vigilantes.
  • a lot of alleged drug users and pushers have surrendered. There are reports, however, of people being placed in so-called drug lists by barangay captains. Or former users being “tagged”.
  • numerous local officials, judges and policemen have been “tagged” as involved in the drug trade. Some like Mayor Espinosa of of Albuera, Leyte, were subjected to “catch and release”.
  • there seems to be no real rehab concept for surrendered drug users. I have read of some being made to go to zumba classes every two weeks. Some were shot on the street I have read.
  • there is a lot of smoke pointing to very real fires of professional assasins and goons all over the islands, drug gangs even in prisons. Motorcycle riding killers I already read about 9 years ago.

There are of course good stories as well. The DENR, DSWD and DepEd seem to be doing good work in the present administration. A BRT system has been approved for EDSA – something I like (link). Now even the Marcos regime had its good sides and honest workers like Prime Minister Virata and Metro Manila Commissioner Mel Mathay. It is never black and white, always colorful. There were certainly a number of mistakes of the previous administration that led to people getting angry at it. But even that big picture evades me until now, so I concentrate on the present.

  • who are the truly honest people who want the good of the country – meaning the people – in all of this noise? Women like Judy Taguiwalo, Gina Lopez, Leni Robredo come to mind first.
  • who just want to control the country and its resources, both human and natural? Who is just playing the old zero-sum game of Power and Money, the old Filipino Game of Thrones?
  • where is all of this supposed to go? Is there any vision whatsoever of how the Philippines is supposed to look like 30 years from now? Or is it all about special effects like in a movie?

Thirty years ago people thought ousting a dictator would be enough. I still remember the euphoria. But Filipinos tend to muddle through and see only the present for the most part. See only their part of the city or country and maybe not even the squatters just outside their own subdivision. Who is patient enough to help find the big picture? Where things are really at today?

Irineo B. R. Salazar, München, 17. Sept. 2016

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